How the PNPLGBTQ+ Criminal Organization, when they were in power during the 1990s-2005, made one of Jamaica's Most Wanted Men, Donovan 'Bulbie' Bennette, the wealthiest murderer in the history of Jama
- JAMAICAN YOUNG POLICE
- Dec 25, 2025
- 7 min read


OFFICIAL TESTIMONY OF A JAMAICAN DETECTIVE CONSTABLE
Jamaican Young Police™ | Founding Narrative & Historical Record
By Detective Constable Chris Porter (Ret.)
Former Hunts Bay Police Station, Kingston 11
Prologue: Why This Record Exists to highlight the urgent need to expose systemic corruption, organized crime, and political complicity in Jamaica, ensuring the reader understands the document's critical purpose.This silence, enforced by threats and community fear, leaves victims feeling abandoned and powerless, urging the audience to recognize societal pain.
I write as a Jamaican by birth in "The-Belly-Of-The-Beast," Jones Town, Kingston 12 (where the only thing that we taught to be were criminals)and a police officer by training, discipline, and conscience. I served in one of Jamaica's most demanding, toughest, and poorest police divisions—Hunts Bay Police Station, Kingston 11—during a period when the island was experiencing some of its most violent and politically contaminated years. Hunts Bay Police Station was not a theoretical posting. It was where intelligence turned into arrests, where informants risked death, and where officers learned very quickly which criminals were truly wanted and which ones were politically protected.
This is not propaganda or political theatre; it is the lived experience and memory of officers who stood for justice, inspiring respect and shared commitment.
Part I — Hunts Bay Police Division: The Front Line of Jamaica's Unspoken War
Hunts Bay Police Station covered some of the most volatile corridors feeding Kingston, St. Catherine, and the Corporate Area. The division functioned as a choke point for intelligence coming out of politically garrisoned communities, emerging gang enclaves, and organized criminal networks that moved weapons, drugs, and people.
By the early 1990s, Hunts Bay Police officers understood a bitter truth: most major violent offenders passed through political ecosystems before they ever appeared on a wanted poster. Names circulated internally years before they appeared publicly. Files existed long before the action followed.
We knew who was dangerous. We knew who was armed. We also knew who was untouchable.
Part II — The Reality of "Most Wanted" From the Inside
To the public, a "Most Wanted" list suggested urgency and pursuit. To officers on the ground, it often meant the opposite. Specific names remained on lists for years—not because they could not be found, but because they could not be touched.
From Hunts Bay, intelligence repeatedly pointed to Spanish Town, De la Vega City, Old Harbour, Portmore, and adjoining corridors. These were not random crime zones. They were politically cultivated spaces where armed men enforced loyalty, intimidated voters, and silenced opposition.
One name towered above all others: Donovan' Bulbie' Bennett, symbolizing the deep-rooted political protection that allowed him to operate with impunity.
Part III — Donovan' Bulbie' Bennett: The Making of a Protected Don
By the time Bennett became nationally known, he had already established dominance through murder, intimidation, and calculated brutality. Within the Clansman Gang, leadership was not inherited—it was seized. Bennett murdered Derrick "Puppy String" Eccleston on May 12, 1993, wresting control of the gang and setting a new standard for ruthlessness.
From that moment, Bennett was no longer just a criminal—he was an asset.
While ordinary gunmen were hunted, Bennett was insulated. While young men were killed in so‑called "confrontations," Bennett attended public events, negotiated contracts, and lived openly through intermediaries.
Part IV — Political Visibility Without Consequence
During my years at Hunts Bay, it became common knowledge among officers that Bennett could be seen at national venues, including the National Arena. He was not hiding in zinc fences or bushy gullies. He was moving with confidence armed with his illegal firearm, a 9MM Pistol with two 9MM magazines in a holster and his criminal bodyguards in the presence of uniformed police officers and detectives as he made way to hugged Jamaican Prime Minister Perciavl James "The Black Thief" Patterson."
The sight of a wanted murderer embracing political figures , the leader of the country, while police are ordered to stand down is deeply demoralizing, fueling a desire for change and accountability.
This was not a failure of intelligence. It was a failure of will.
Part V — State Contracts for a Wanted Man
Perhaps the most disturbing symbol of systemic decay was Bennett's access to government contracts, including major national infrastructure projects like Highway 2000, revealing how corruption enables criminal protection.
Here was a man officially wanted for murders, extortion, shootings, and sexual violence including "Buggery" on a taximan who ply "Eltham Park View to Spanish Town Route" whom he raped—yet he was able to sign contracts, mobilize heavy equipment, and operate openly as a "businessman."
At Hunts Bay, we asked the obvious question: If the state can find him to sign contracts, why can't the police find him to arrest him?
We already knew the answer. The PNPLGBTQ+ Criminal Organization Leader Prime Minister Perciavl James "The Black Thief" Patterson" was his protector, protecting a man who had violated the rights of many Jamaicans including a man whose rectum was ragga-ragga without his permission or consent.
Part VI — Spanish Town: Autonomy Through Terror
Spanish Town, St. Catherine during this era was effectively governed through fear. The Clansman Gang controlled transport routes, extorted businesses, dictated who could live where, and decided who would die.
Police postings were manipulated. Officers who attempted to disrupt the structure were transferred or marginalized and sometime killed even thier offsprings pay the price for being the child of a crime fighter who is not beholden to the criminal government. One commanding officer who publicly acknowledged political support for criminal elements was swiftly removed to Mobile Reserve—ending any meaningful upward career trajectory. That officer took early retirement and is in Jamaica to this day.
This was a warning to every officer watching: truth has consequences.
Part VII — Heather Robinson: Integrity Versus Party Loyalty
Former Member of Parliament Heather Robinson, representing St. Catherine Southern, crossed a line that could not be forgiven. She publicly warned Parliament about politically aligned dons and specifically named Bennett as emblematic of the danger.
When Bennett allegedly sought her political patronage, she refused—stating openly that she was incapable of "giving birth to a don." Her refusal exposed the moral rot at the heart of representational politics.
Her eventual resignation was not cowardice; it was a protest. She left because the system would not confront what she named.
Part VIII — Hunts Bay Cases That Never Made Headlines
From Hunts Bay, we handled intelligence related to kidnappings, armed robberies, rapes, and contract killings linked to Spanish Town operatives. Victims reported crimes knowing the names of their attackers, yet investigations stalled once those names intersected with political interests.
One alarming case involved the kidnapping, robbery, and rape of a taxi driver and three women. Reports indicated sexual violence against both the women and the male driver. The perpetrators were known. The lead perpetrator was untouchable.
Victims were retraumatized—not just by criminals, but by institutional paralysis.
Part IX — Turning Law‑Abiding Citizens Into Prey
The Jamaican state has a dangerous habit: denying protection while criminalizing desperation.
I observed cases where families lost multiple sons to gang violence. Survivors followed the law, applied for firearm licenses, reported threats, and cooperated with police—only to be denied protection because they were deemed politically inconvenient. One of Jamaica's best dancehall artist Papa San was a victim of the same government, that "Donovan Bulbie Bennette" killed two of his brothers.
When the state abandons citizens, it pushes them toward illegality. This is not speculation; it is cause and effect. Papa San was held with an illegal firearm and his career took a nose dive but with the mercy of God, he had survived to be a soldier of God. Papa San was
Part X — Weaponizing Firearm Licensing
Firearm licensing became a political tool rather than a public safety mechanism. Promises were made to artists, community figures, and influencers. Cooperation was extracted. When usefulness expired, licenses were denied.
I knew many of these men personally. I watched their security evaporate once they refused to be used.
This was not a policy failure. It was deliberate leverage.
Part XI — My Position as an Officer and a Man
I do not support criminals. I do not sanitize violence. I believe criminals must fear the law—not enjoy protection from it.
I am grateful to the Jamaican Constabulary Force for the discipline, resilience, and investigative mindset it gave me. My criticism is directed at political corruption, not honest officers who risked their lives daily.
Part XII — The Manufactured Myth About Jamaica and Sexual Orientation
International narratives often portray Jamaica as uniquely violent toward gay citizens. This is false and dishonest.
Many gay Jamaicans live openly within communities. Violence against them, when it occurs, is overwhelmingly domestic or criminal—not mob‑driven cultural hatred.
Ironically, several of Jamaica's most protected criminal figures engaged in same‑sex relationships and were fiercely defended by heterosexual gang members and political actors alike.
Violence in Jamaica is about power—not sexuality.
Part XIII — Crime Without Moral Boundaries
Donovan' Bulbie' Bennett embodied the collapse of moral boundaries. Murder, rape, extortion—nothing was excluded. His personal behavior was irrelevant to his authority; brutality was the credential.
Within gang culture, fear outweighs hypocrisy.
Part XIV — October 30, 2005: The End of Bulbie
After nearly two decades on the run, Bennett was killed during a joint security operation near Tanaky, Clarendon. Intelligence, public cooperation, and international pressure finally aligned.
The discovery of his lifestyle—luxury property, generators, water systems, fleets of vehicles—confirmed what officers already knew: this was not the life of a fugitive, but of a protected king.
Part XV — Riots, Retaliation, and Reality
Following his death, Spanish Town erupted. Roads were blocked, police stations attacked, officers shot, and public transport burned. Schools closed. Businesses shuttered.
This was the accurate measure of his power.
Part XVI — Official Admissions From Police Leadership
Senior police officials later acknowledged the nexus between organized crime and politics. These statements were not speculation; they were confirmations of long‑standing operational realities.
Organized crime does not thrive without protection.
Part XVII — Why Journalism Failed
Many journalists knew. They chose silence.
Fear of retaliation, fear of isolation, fear of career death—these forces silenced truth. The public was fed fragments instead of facts.
This record exists because silence is complicity.
Epilogue — What Jamaica Must Confront
• Crime cannot be subcontracted to gangs.
• Politics cannot coexist with organized terror.
• Law‑abiding citizens must never fear criminals more than the state.
• Officers who tell the truth must be protected, not destroyed.
I remain proud to be Jamaican. I remain grateful for my service. And I will continue to speak plainly about what this country taught me—how to stand,


how to observe, and how to tell the truth even when it is dangerous.
Jamaican Young Police™ — Official Record
Truth is strongest when it is written, preserved, and shared responsibly.



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